About RIIFS | Publications | Journal (BRIIFS) | Nashra  | Conferences | Guest Speakers | Feedback on Islam

 ALL Abstracts [1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] [9] [10] [11] [12] [13] [14]

Royal Institute for Inter-Faith Studies

Copyright © 2000 Bulletin of the Royal Institute for Inter-Faith Studies. All rights reserved.

Mehdi Bozorgmehr

DOES HOST HOSTILITY CREATE ETHNIC SOLIDARITY?

THE EXPERIENCE OF IRANIANS IN THE UNITED STATES

This paper focuses on the causes and consequences of host hostility toward Iranian immigrants in the United States. It is a sociological truism that external hostility encourages in-group solidarity. Host hostility strengthens ethnicity and even translates into ethnic solidarity. The Iranian experience, however, challenges this causal relationship. Since the 'Iranian Hostage Crisis' in 1980I and perhaps even longerIIranian immigrants have been periodically subjected to discrimination and prejudice in the US. Although the anti-Iranian sentiments initially expressed have subsided with time, they flare up again whenever the Iranian regime allegedly engages in an anti-American activity. Instead of reactive solidarity, however, some Iranians have opted to disassociate themselves from their nationality. This is especially the case for religious minorities from Iran (such as Christian Armenians, Baha´is and Jews) who may identify more strongly with their religio-ethnic backgrounds than with their Iranian origin. Muslim Iranian immigrants do not have this option because they are, by and large, secular and nationalistic. Moreover, there are many negative stereotypes associated with being a Muslim in the US. Class resources (English proficiency, high levels of education), as well as professional and entrepreneurial occupations, have enabled Iranians as a whole to avoid conflict with Americans. At the same time these factors have reduced dependence on co-ethnics, thereby reducing the potential for ethnic solidarity. Any attachment to Iranian culture, language or national pride may be more closely associated with exile status than with host hostility.

Arnold Cassola
EMIGRATION AND IMMIGRATION IN MALTA: THE LITERARY
AND SOCIO-CULTURAL IMPLICATIONS

It is quite interesting to note the relationship between Maltese migration to Arabic-speaking countries during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and the acquisition of culture. Indeed, some of Malta's finest intellectuals and authors, including those who first wrote in the Maltese language, spent a number of years abroad as migrants in North African countries and the experience had a definite and positive impact on their cultural evolution. Among these, one may include Giovanni Antonio Vassallo (1817-1868), Richard Taylor (1818-1868), Dwardu Cachia (1857-1907), Manwel Dimech (1860-1921) and Gwann Mamo (1886-1941). In addition, hundreds—if not thousands—of political exiles from the nearby Italian peninsula migrated to Malta during the nineteenth century. Since these urbane exiles were often active as journalists, they contributed significantly to the development of Maltese literature, arts and political thought. Future Italian prime ministers (such as Francesco Crispi), parliamentary presidents (such as Luigi Settembrini) and renowned intellectuals (such as Gabriele Rossetti and Michele Amari) were among the many Italian exiles in Malta during the period. In the present day, the steady flow of people attempting to migrate to Malta is not made up of intellectuals, but instead primarily consists of poor people fleeing conditions of war, poverty, hunger and misery in other parts of the world. This has led to a new reality in the Maltese islands, in which altruistic attitudes clash with the prejudices that migration also arouses. The article concludes with a few, perhaps idealistic, suggestions on how education and culture may play an important role in the understanding and appreciation of diversity, rather than perceptions of it as a threat.

Tomas Hammar
MIGRATION AND DEVELOPMENT:
CULTURAL AND OTHER CAUSES OF NON-MIGRATION

The interplay between international migration and development is a matter of concern not only because of the internal repercussions of migration upon host countries, but also because of its effects upon the global economy and international politics. Indeed, a rich literature now exists that attempts to explain the impact of migration on development as well as the impact of economic development on future flows of migrants. Using this literature as a starting point, the present paper does not emphasize 'migration potential' or 'migration pressure', but examines instead counter-concepts such as why people prefer not to emigrate, insider advantages and local assets, and how countries of origin may potentially encourage their populations to stay. Thus, the leading question in the paper is: why do most people (perhaps 98%) stay in their place or region of origin and why do many of those who emigrate later return? The main factors leading to non-migration or 'immobility' are often non-economic and include social capital, cultural and religious capital, and political capital; here, capital stands for assets which may be lost by going, but preserved by staying. Focusing upon local assets in sending countries, this paper concludes with a discussion of policy implications, exploring how those who otherwise might have to migrate may be given an opportunity to stay or, in other words, how access to valuable local assets might be secured and how the appreciation of these assets might be augmented.

Anthony Hilton and Gerald Obermeyer
EVOLUTIONARY STRATEGIES OF RELIGIOUS GROUPS: KINSHIP AND ALTRUISM, CULTURAL SEGREGATION AND MIGRATION IN EARLY AND MODERN ANABAPTIST COMMUNITIES IN EUROPE AND AMERICA

This paper examines, from the standpoint of 'group evolutionary strategies', the emergence of Anabaptism in sixteenth-century Europe and the development of two of the movements' fundamentalist offshoots, the Amish and the Hutterites, groups that still survive in North America. The paper looks at their demographic /reproductive history, their resource sharing, their genetic and cultural segregation from the wider society and their migrations. Our contention is that the success of these groups is due to specific biological and cultural factors which function to encourage in-group altruism: a high degree of kinship as well as religio-cultural practices that minimize in-group conflict of interest and 'freeloading.' This has resulted in a high degree of political self-sufficiency and an economic division of labour that largely accounts for the survival and relative prosperity of these two communities following their migration to North America. Their relations with out-groups have varied from extreme persecution to warm welcome, with serious hostility arising not from visible difference, but rather from conflicts over resources and cultural/ religious incompatibilities. At the same time, Anabaptist cultural, religious and moral values seem to mitigate out-group hostility in comparison to the experiences of other small ethnic /religious groups. Their example would appear instructive for a world striving for harmony in the face of increasing inter- cultural contact /confrontation.

Dirk Hoerder
IMMIGRANT LIVES, SOCIETAL STRUCTURES: HUMAN AGENCY
IN ACCULTURATION PROCESSES

In order to revise the traditional push-and-pull model of migration, as well as the concept of delimited ethnic groups, the first part of this essay applies theories of acculturation and of transnational lives and identities to migrants in Canada who have selected options in the frame of family economies. In the second part, I evaluate societal/structural constraints in both the societies of origin and the receiving societies. I argue that structure and agency influence each other on a meso-level of regions. The relationship between migrants and the macro-level of state government or national economies is tenuous, at best, while the micro-level is not one of individualism (US paradigm) but of neighbourhood and kinship relations. I discuss the reach of this approach in terms of free and forced migrations.

Hans-Joachim Hoffmann-Nowotny
DETERMINANTS AND CONSEQUENCES OF WORLDWIDE 
MIGRATIONS: A SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

From a sociological point of view, a treatment of the determinants of worldwide international migrations (or, with a view to the future, the international migration potential) must initially proceed from at least two societal facts; namely, the rise of a 'world society' as a cultural and structural characteristic of our times and the growth in world population as an explosive demographic process. In the context of a world society, international migrations—or the world-wide latent or manifest potential for migrations—are determined primarily by two factors: developmental disparities between national units of the world society, as a structural factor, and the value integration of this society, which produces and legitimizes the demand for social mobility, as a cultural factor. It is clear that millions of people are no longer prepared to wait for the success of collective efforts to reduce the development gaps, but are seeking to improve their individual situations in life through emigration to the countries of the developed world. Migration is not only determined by societal tensions—as a consequence of inequalities and instabilities—but also often results in manifold tensions (consequences of migrations). This is especially the case if the integration and assimilation of immigrants are impeded and a conflictive type of society develops, the so-called multicultural/multiethnic society. Despite contradictory evidence, such societies still have proponents that call them 'ideal,' without, however, specifying what the (rare) conditions might be under which this ideal could become reality.

Michael Humphrey
GLOBALIZATION AND ARAB DIASPORIC IDENTITIES: 
THE AUSTRALIAN ARAB CASE

This paper explores the ambiguous position and identity of Arab migrants in Australia in the era of globalization. It argues that while migration readily confers Australian citizenship rights it does not signify cultural equality as espoused in the rhetoric of multiculturalism. The paper examines the way Arab cultural identities are articulated with respect to the multicultural identities of the city, 'white' Australian national identity and transnational diasporic and religious identities. It argues that Arab ethnic and diasporic identities have become inextricably tied up with globally-mediated events and images and with transnational discourses on difference and danger. The paper argues that the Australian Arab migrant experience provides insights into the more general Arab diasporic experience.

Anastasia Karakasidou
MIGRANT HISTORICAL ENCOUNTERS IN MODERN GREECE

This paper attempts to analyze the characterizations of foreigners and migrants currently circulating in the Greek media and popular culture. While Greece is still, for the most part, a culturally-homogeneous country, migrants from a wide variety of Eastern and Central European countries, as well as the Middle East, mingle with others from as far afield as the Philippines, India and Sri Lanka in the urban 'melting pot' of Greece's major cities. These immigrants have to cope with poor language skills, discrimination in the housing and labour-markets, dismal living conditions and intra-ethnic marginalization. The article suggests that the study of migration as "local and global historical encounters" should reject the limited conceptual apparatus offered by the notion of culture as a shared tradition within a given group. Such ethno-national labels create structurally opposed groups of 'us' and 'them' and divert attention from the everyday encounters with authority experienced by migrants throughout the world, regardless of national ascription.

Azza Karam 
GENDERED POWER STRUGGLES AMONG ARAB MUSLIM MIGRANT COMMUNITIES IN EUROPE: COLONIALISM REVISITED

This paper looks at the way in which gender is a battlefield for the assertion of political, religious and cultural identity and for discourses on power between host and migrant societies. First, the paper questions the stereotypes of migrant women prevalent in many Western host societies, while examining how these stereotypes actually affect host perceptions and policies with relation to Arab (and Muslim) migrants. Next, it looks at how some Arab migrants have, in turn, used the gender factor to assert their 'distinct' cultural identities and thereby resist a perceived process of 'forced integration' into Western host polities. The main contention of this paper is that colonialist policies and perceptions of the 'other', as well as reactions to them, still prevail in the 1990s, but that they are found among migrant communities in Western Europe.

Robert Kasparian
REFUGIES DANS LEUR PROPRE PAYS: LES DEPLACES PAR LA GUERRE AU LIBAN DE 1975 A 1986

The Lebanese war, which began on 13 April 1975 as an armed conflict between Palestinian and Christian Lebanese militias, quickly degenerated into an intercommunal conflict that provoked significant population movements within Lebanon. Based upon a study jointly conducted in 1987 by social scientists from both the University of St. Joseph in Beirut and Laval University in Québec, this paper analyzes the extent of this phenomenon and studies the consequences of displacement on the lives of those concerned. Noting that approximately twenty percent of Lebanese were displaced at the time of the study, the paper argues that income level was a telling factor in adjustment strategies, with consequences for how refugees met the challenges of finding housing and employment, educating their children and integrating themselves into a new milieu. The paper concludes that most of the war-displaced faced the usual problems of internal migration—that is, rural to urban migration—but in an accelerated way.

Rami G. Khouri
THE PALESTINE REFUGEES AND THE RIGHT OF RETURN

This paper suggests that the twentieth century's 'Palestinian problem' is likely to be resolved in a manner similar to the 'Jewish problem' of the late nineteenth century. Although the Palestinian and Jewish national dilemmas emerged from very different historical contexts, both resulted in displacement, dispersion and disenfranchisement, and both communities sought to redress these injustices through the formation of sovereign states and the recognition of the rights of community members worldwide. Over the last four decades, Palestinians have gradually come to realize that a solution to the problem of Palestinian refugees must not only be ethical, but politically realistic. Thus, the focus is now moving from an ideal solution that allows all refugees and their descendants to return to Palestine—that is, 'absolute justice'—to a pragmatic solution that defines the 'right of return' in a differentiated manner—what we might term 'relative justice.' This evolving perspective comprises several different dimensions, including the right of refugees to return to their original homes in Palestine /Israel, their right to return to a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza, their right to return to a condition of national integrity, and their right to resume a normal trajectory of national development. Just as the Jewish problem was resolved by the formation of a Jewish state on part of the territory that Zionists considered to be their patrimony—and where less than half of the world's Jews actually lived—so will the Palestinian problem be resolved by the formation of a sovereign Palestinian state on part of the territory of Palestine—where only some Palestinians live. At the same time, the new Palestinian state will offer sovereign identity and protection to the world's Palestinians much as Israel does to the world's Jews. A key factor in any just and final resolution to both dilemmas will be a mutual recognition of the wrongs committed by and against the 'other' which includes admissions of responsibility as well as apologies, restitution, compensation and forgiveness.

Khalid Koser
FROM REFUGEES TO TRANSNATIONALS?

Refugees have often either been excluded from the recent literature on transnationalism, or treated as exceptions to the rule. By contrast, this paper proposes one way of incorporating refugees more fully into this literature. The paper charts the transition of refugees into transnationals, focusing on the case of Eritreans in the UK and Germany. It suggests that three processes have been instrumental in this transition. First, despite the recognition of Eritrean independence in 1991, most refugees chose not to return, instead securing their statuses in their host countries. Second, despite this decision, most Eritreans have nevertheless developed lasting links with their communities and country of origin. Finally, and as a result of the current conflict with Ethiopia, the Eritrean state has taken steps to institutionalize the Eritrean diaspora. The paper concludes by considering the wider applicability of this case-study. First, it considers the extent to which the transition has applied to all Eritreans. Second, it asks to what extent a similar transition might also be found among other refugee communities. Finally, it considers whether the transition is permanent.

Joanne van der Leun
EMBEDDEDNESS AND EXCLUSION: UNDOCUMENTED
IMMIGRANTS IN THE NETHERLANDS

Like other European countries, the Netherlands is witnessing an increasing 'irregularization' of immigration. Concerns about lack of control have stimulated new legislation, particularly during the last decade. The most comprehensive new law, the so-called Koppelingswet, or 'Linking Act', was enacted in 1998. The aim of this new law is to exclude undocumented immigrants from public services such as social benefits, insurance, health care, education and public housing. Building on the concept of 'mixed embeddedness', this paper asks the extent to which illegal immigrants are capable of incorporating themselves into the host society and the reactions of the welfare state's gatekeepers to their presence. The study is based on empirical research in the Netherlands' four largest cities.

Pyong Gap Min
IMMIGRANTS' RELIGION AND ETHNICITY: 
A COMPARISON OF KOREAN CHRISTIAN
AND INDIAN HINDU IMMIGRANTS

This study compares the different ways Indian Hindu and Korean Christian immigrants in the United States preserve their ethnicity through religion. Hinduism is an Indian native religion and thus Indian dialects, food, holidays and other cultural elements are embedded within the faith. As a result, Indian Hindu immigrants can and do maintain their cultural and subcultural traditions and identity by practicing their religious values and rituals at home without actively participating in a religious congregation. In contrast, both Korean Protestantism and Catholicism are 'Western religions' that have been popularized only recently. Since the Christian religious faith and rituals are not directly related to Koreans' language, values, food and holidays, they cannot maintain their ethnicity simply by practicing the faith and rituals. Instead, they try to preserve their ethnicity by increasing their social networks and practicing Korean Confucian cultural traditions through their active participation in a Korean congregation. Despite their far more active participation in a congregation, Korean Christians have disadvantages compared to Indian Hindus in preserving their ethnicity through religion because of the incongruence between their religion and ethnic culture. The literature on religion and ethnicity in the United States is largely based on turn-of-the-century, Judaeo-Christian, congregation-oriented immigrant groups. Consequently, it has emphasized participation in an ethnic congregation as the main source of ethnicity and neglected to pay attention to the nativity of a religion as significantly contributing to preserving ethnic culture and identity.

John O. Oucho
MIGRATION AND ETHNIC RELATIONS IN COLONIAL AND
INDEPENDENT KENYA

This paper analyzes the relationship between migration and ethnic relations in two historical epochs in Kenya. The country, a land of physical and human contrasts, presents a classical case of how two aspects of international and internal migration have influenced ethnic relations in the colonial and post-colonial periods respectively. In the colonial period (1894-1963), immigrant white farmers alienated large tracts of land from indigenous Kenyans; while the indigenous people were conveniently consigned to the so-called 'African Trust Lands,' the immigrants throve as commercial farmers in the 'White Highlands.' This eventually led to heightened strife between whites and indigenous people, culminating in a series of events that included the Mau Mau rebellion. When independence finally came in 1963, the alienated land was transferred to local Kenyans through the settlement of landless peasants and legislation permitting land purchases on the basis of 'willing buyer-willing seller.' In this way, the Rift Valley, the heartland of white settlement, attracted a large-scale in-migration of new farmers, most of them from Central province. In 1991-93, at a time when Kenya was going through a democratic transition, this development sparked off ethnic conflict. Nonetheless, Kenya has managed to become a strong multi-ethnic society in which lively political manoeuvring takes place, but without plunging the country into the turmoil that characterizes the region.

Michel Poulain
MIGRATION FROM THE SOUTH TO THE NORTH OF THE
MEDITERRANEAN: WHAT DO THE DATA REVEAL?

International migration between countries lying to the south and north of the Mediterranean has always been an issue of major importance. But, although these exchanges of population have continually taken place, their political significance has increased dramatically due to the different demographic circumstances on either side of the Mediterranean, the challenge migration presents to the maintenance of political equilibrium between states and the implications of cross-cultural transfers. However, any intelligent discussion of migration and culture contact first requires an assessment of the number of people involved. This helps us to ascertain what the current trends are and how they are changing in order to try to hypothesize what the future may hold. Despite the poor reliability of the data and the difficulty in comparing these data in space and time, it seems that some clear preferences are reflected in recent migration flows, with new countries gaining prominence as sending countries or receiving countries. Furthermore, there is evidence that the total number of migrations from south to north is decreasing, while return migrations from north to south are becoming more common.

Musa Samha
MIGRATION IN JORDAN: PATTERNS AND IMPACT ON
POPULATION CHANGES

In virtually all discussions of the role of migration in population change, Jordan may be cited as a classic example as well as a unique case in the context of the Middle East. Largely because of regional economic and political change, Jordan has experienced a massive inflow of refugees, extensive labour emigration and replacement migration. Indeed, one may argue that these movements represent one of the country's most distinctive features and are responsible, to a large extent, for the orientation of its socio-economic development. In attempting to analyze the overall impact of Jordan's migration process, this paper clarifies the types of migration that the country has experienced, examines the role of migration in population growth and distribution—particularly with regard to urban populations—explores the impact of migration on fertility, the population structure and the labour-market, and attempts to explain the extent to which migration generates migration.

Ara Sanjian
TORN BETWEEN THE 'OBLIGATION' OF PRESERVING A DISTINCT IDENTITY AND THE 'ADVANTAGES' OF ASSIMILATION: THE ARMENIAN EXPERIENCE IN THE MODERN ARAB WORLD

In the aftermath of World War I, many survivors of the Armenian Genocide in the Ottoman Empire found refuge in, and substantially augmented, existing Armenian communities in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Palestine and Egypt; under the Treaty of Lausanne they became citizens of these countries. Later, internal migration within the Arab world (caused mainly by political and economic factors) led to the establishment of newer Armenian communities in Jordan and the Gulf States. Successive generations of Armenians in the Arab world have tried to hold on to their distinct culture, while following local norms and traditions, and to accommodate their national ambitions to the reality of daily existence among a majority with different goals and aspirations. They have also sought to maintain links with other Armenian diasporan communities outside of the Arab world, as well as with Armenians in what remains of their homeland. Divided on how best to deal with Soviet Armenia and react to changing Soviet policy, the Armenian diaspora faced a new challenge with Armenia's independence in 1991. Strategies are now being sought to keep all diasporan communities, including those in the Arab world, both strong and healthy.

Omar Sheikhmous
CRYSTALLIZATION OF A NEW DIASPORA: MIGRATION AND POLITICAL CULTURE AMONG THE KURDS IN EUROPE

The presence of Kurdish migrant workers and refugees in Europe is a recent phenomenon that only took shape after World War I. Kurds in Europe are a diverse group coming from different Middle Eastern countries with varying political systems and from various social, economic, demographic, educational and political backgrounds. They are usually shaped by, and socialized in, their own specific ethnic culture and those Kurdish political organizations that they have belonged to in the past or do belong to now. At the same time, they have been deeply influenced by the social, cultural and political systems of the countries of their citizenship and residence. Moreover, they are also socialized within the influential spheres of the mega-cultures of the Mediterranean area and Arab-Islamic civilization. Despite these differences, the Kurdish migrant communities in different European countries may be characterized as a newly-formed diaspora sharing common features with older diasporas. This assessment is based upon the forced displacement of the Kurds, their collective memory of their original homeland, the alienation and discrimination they experience in Europe, their wish to return to Kurdistan, their collective commitment to the restoration of their homeland and, finally, their transnational social networks. The majority of Kurdish migrants have been socialized within a political culture that is largely traditional /authoritarian, nationalistic /secular, totalitarian /Marxist-Leninist, or a combination of all of these. During their years of refuge and exile in different Western European countries they are gradually being resocialized and integrated into their new host societies and influenced by deep-rooted democratic political processes and organizational forms.

Dietrich Thränhardt
MULTICULTURALISM AND INTEGRATION IN GERMANY AND THE NETHERLANDS 

The Netherlands and Germany, two countries quite similar with respect to religion, socio-economic development and political system, have reacted quite differently to immigration. Whereas the Netherlands, after some initial problems, developed a consistent multiculturalist policy approach, in Germany, immigration became a subject of bitter party conflict which affected the immigration atmosphere in a detrimental manner. Yet, when comparing policy outcomes with respect to education and job quality, we find that better results have been obtained in Germany than in the Netherlands. The conclusion is that integration processes can be very specific and that multicultural programs can carry powerful messages of exclusion.

Stanley Waterman
FOREVER IMMIGRANTS: CULTURAL POLITICS AND
THE ISRAELI CULTURAL CANON

Whatever the moral and political rights and wrongs of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, there is no denying that Israel has developed over the past half century, as did Zionist society in pre-state Palestine, as an immigrant society. A feature of all immigrant societies is the obstacles placed in the way of rational planning. This is true not only of structural planning but also of social planning, in general, and the shaping of culture, in particular. This paper deals with cultural politics in Israel during the twentieth century in the light of successive waves of immigrants, from the socialist Russo-Polish settlers at the start of the century to the anti-socialist and anti-religious Russians at its end. The paper looks at the struggle over the establishment and control of a specifically Israeli cultural canon and what it projects about Israeli society in general.

Czarina Wilpert
THE MIGRATION FROM TURKEY TO GERMANY: THE INTERACTION BETWEEN DOMINANT IDEOLOGIES AND INSTITUTIONS AND THE ETHNIC ORIENTATIONS OF IMMIGRANTS AND THEIR DESCENDENTS

This paper discusses the dynamics of the migration from Turkey to Germany in an historical perspective. Since they originate from a traditional Muslim culture, Turkish migrants have been singled out as the group providing the greatest challenge to the norms and values of German society and judged incapable of adapting their religious, national and /or ethnic identity to integrate themselves into the host society. This paper argues that both the structural and ideological conditions of the receiving country and the cultural, ethnic and religious diversity of the migrants themselves have contributed to making the Turkish community in Germany much more multifaceted than is commonly thought. Yet, although the acculturation processes of Turkish migrants may be extremely diverse, many of these migrants share common perceptions of how they are seen by the dominant society. Furthermore, the interactions of Turkish migrants with the ideologies and institutions of German society have tended to enhance and reify feelings of ethnicity. Ethnic identity, which existed before migration as a submerged element within Turkish society, has taken on a new dimension in the context of the migratory process. These diverse ethnic identities provide the basis for the different meanings, responses and strategies evoked by life in Germany. Thus, the revision and extent of ethnic awareness among Turkish emigrants may include active participation in transnational networks or may solely indicate a belief in alternatives, such as the opportunity for, and normality of, life in two societies. Beliefs concerning acceptance and the desirability of belonging are ambivalent and contradictory among Turkish migrants.

<<Back to Journal (BRIIFS) main  
<<Back to Conferences main page  

Home  | About RIIFS  |  Publications  |  Journal (BRIIFS)  |  Nashra   |  Conferences  |  Guest Speakers 
 Feedback on Islam  |   Basic Info about Islam  |   Responses to Questions 
Order Form  |  Inquiry Form  | Contact us